森法務大臣、黒川検事長は辞職を。
森法務大臣、黒川検事長は辞職を。
１ 黒川検事長の定年延長及びこれを正当化するための検察庁法改正案はツイッターデモの成果によって強行採決断念に追い込まれた。およそ我が国の民主主義で民主的デモで法案が断念に追い込まれるというのは老衰が目立つ我が国の民主主義にとって特筆すべきことである。
２ 検察庁法の改正は、弁護士はとりわけ危機感を持っていた。つまり、法が終わったところから権力が腐るといわれるように、安倍政権と黒川検事総長がタッグを組めば、今後、自民党の河合案里参院議員なども不起訴に追い込むことができるようになる。
当座、安倍氏が「黒川検事総長」にこだわったのもこのような理由があるのだろう。つまり、河合氏の案件は広島高検検事長の判断にあるので、黒川氏が検事総長にならない限り河合案件には手を出せないということでもあるのだ。
３ 今回の法案は、本当にひどいものであった。
始まりは黒川氏の突然の定年延長であった。公務員の定年は６０歳だが検事は６３歳とされている。したがって６３歳の黒川氏は退任すべきだが、なんと一般法と特別法の関係において一般法の国家公務員法の定年延長規定を適用し延長を認めてしまったのだ。
この理屈は大学１年生の法学部生でもおかしいとわかる。
４ 混乱に拍車をかけたのは、検事に国家公務員法が適用されないという公定解釈が既に存在しそれと矛盾することが後から分かったのだ。そのため、森法務大臣は「口頭で決済した」というが、明らかに条文の読み方からして検察庁法が定年の延長を認めていない以上、定年の延長は許されない。ならば検察庁法を改正するしかないはずである。
５ こうしたなか、６０歳で定年の公務員の定年を段階的に６５歳にあげる公務員の改正案と検察庁法も一括して内閣委員会に上程されることになった。なぜ検事の待遇を決めるのに内閣委員会であるのか、全く理解ができない。恐
ろしいことにある自民党国対関係者は、「俺たちは（本案を）揚げろ」といわれたら揚げるまでというのである。これでは、中身がないまさにテンプラ法案というしかない。
６ この間、岡口基一裁判官が、KBS京都の番組に出演し、「法治国家」とは思えないと批判し、立法の経緯の問題点を開設したり、きゃりーぱみゅぱみゅさんや小泉今日子さんが、＃検察庁法改正に抗議しますとしたりハッシュタグのもと、制度的に安倍氏や後任者が恣意的に、検事総長や検事長の人事権を慣例にとらわれず保持することで検察を自由に操れる法案だということが分かってきた。
７ これに窮した安倍氏は、突然伊藤官房長が言い出し自分は追認しただけで被害者である、という趣旨のことを言い出し、その直後に朝日新聞の反対が世論調査で多数、内閣支持率も約１０パーセントも急激に下落するなど、コロナ禍での対応の失敗だけでは説明がつかないといえよう。
８ しかしながら、残念であるのは、「文春砲」である。私たちは議論で黒川氏を追い出すことができるに越したことがないし、黒川氏は余人をもって代えがたい人物でないから虚偽を述べた森雅子も同罪である。表面上、黒川氏は、「緊急事態宣言で不要不急の外出をしたから」とすり替えているが、まず賭けマージャンは賭博罪に該当する。品位を失墜するが、遡及的に定年として給与を返還させるべきであろう。
９ 最後に森法務大臣の辞任は欠かせない。森氏は未だ、公務員法と束にして検察庁法を処理しようとしており正気の沙汰とは思えない。また、野党時代が長かったこともあり大臣になる時期が早すぎたのではないか。森大臣では黒川検事長の賭けマージャンにどのように対応されるかも心もとない。
１０ 最後に、森氏にしても黒川氏にしても、安倍氏に仕えたことにより汚染されていったのかもしれない。どこの世界でも「黒川的」な人がいるが、ゴマをすって事務次官から検事総長までという。一説には人柄は悪くないといいつつ、他方ではサンケイのハイヤーでマージャンと来ており、その信用性の吟味は直ちにできない。
本件で本質的なものは、強者の監視を誰がするかということであった。それは野党であることが多いが野党が弱い日本では検察に頼るところが大きい。そして検察内部は自立しており検察が暴走した場合は法務大臣指揮権を行使することができるということなのである。ところが本件改正案は、検察内部の自立を破壊し安倍氏直轄にしてしまおうというものであった。
正義は守られた。しかし、「黒川的」な者がウィルスのように蔓延し、ミニ黒川、黒川２世、黒川３世、黒川クローンが跋扈するかもしれない。しかし、権力者の考えを先読みして動く「忖度社会」は、法の支配と対置される人の支配というしかない。
私たちは、「黒川的」な人にははっきりそのように伝達して、黒川ウィルス、ミニ黒川等々が自分たちの市民社会や職能団体が汚染されないように気を付けるべきだ。
Justice Minister Mori and Prosecutor General Kurokawa resign.
1 The extension of Prosecutor General Kurokawa's retirement age and the proposed amendment to the Prosecutor's Office Law to justify it were forced to be voted down by the results of Twitter demonstrations. It is noteworthy for our country's democracy, which is marked by senility, that democratic demonstrations in our country's democracy roughly drive bills to a standstill.
2 The amendments to the Prosecutor's Office Act were particularly alarming to lawyers. In other words, just as it is said that power rots where the law ends, if the Abe administration and Prosecutor General Kurokawa work together, they will be able to force the LDP's Councillor-General Banri Kawai and others to be indicted in the future.
For the time being, this is probably the reason why Abe insisted on "Prosecutor General Kurokawa". In other words, since Mr. Kawai's case is at the discretion of the chief prosecutor of the Hiroshima High Public Prosecutors Office, he cannot make a move on the Kawai case unless Mr. Kurokawa becomes the prosecutor general.
3 This bill was truly awful.
It began with Mr. Kurokawa's sudden extension of his retirement age. The retirement age for civil servants is 60 years old, but the prosecutor is said to be 63 years old. Therefore, the 63-year-old Kurokawa should have stepped down, but what's more, he allowed the extension of the retirement age by applying the provisions of the National Civil Service Act in the general law in the relationship between the general law and the special law.
Even a first-year college law student can see that this reasoning is ridiculous.
4 Adding to the confusion was the fact that it was only later discovered that there was already an official interpretation that the State Civil Service Act did not apply to prosecutors and was inconsistent with it. Therefore, although Justice Minister Mori "settled the matter orally," it is clear from the reading of the article that the Prosecutor's Office Act does not allow for the extension of the retirement age, so the extension of the retirement age is not permissible. If that is the case, there should be no choice but to amend the Prosecutor's Office Law.
5 Against this backdrop, an amendment to the Civil Service Act to raise the retirement age for civil servants who retire at age 60 in stages to 65 and the Prosecutor's Office Act will be submitted to the Cabinet Committee. I don't understand at all why it is a cabinet committee that decides the treatment of prosecutors. I'm afraid
It is troubling to note that one LDP official in charge of national relations says, "If we are asked to fry (the main proposal), we will do so until it is done. This is nothing more than a temp bill with no content.
6 During this period, Judge Kiichi Okaguchi appeared on KBS Kyoto's program and criticized it as not being a "rule of law" and opened up the problems in the legislative process, while Kyary Pamyu Pamyu and Kyoko Koizumi used the hashtag "protest against the amendment of the Public Prosecutor's Office Law" to show that it is a bill that systematically allows Abe and his successors to manipulate prosecutors freely by arbitrarily retaining the personnel rights of the Prosecutor General and the Prosecutor General without being bound by convention.
7 When Mr. Abe was distressed by this, Chief Cabinet Secretary Ito suddenly began to say that he was a victim because he had only admitted it, and immediately afterwards, the Asahi Shimbun's opposition to the idea plummeted by a large number in a public opinion poll and the Cabinet's approval rating plummeted by about 10 percent, which cannot be explained by the failure to respond to the Corona disaster alone.
8 What is unfortunate, however, is the "Bunshun cannon". We could have ousted Mr. Kurokawa for his arguments, and Masako Mori is guilty of the same thing for lying because Kurokawa is an irreplaceable person. On the surface, Mr. Kurokawa says that he was out of the house because he declared a state of emergency, but first of all, betting mahjong is a gambling offense. It is a loss of dignity, but it should be retroactively retired and have the salary returned.
9 Finally, the resignation of Justice Minister Mori is essential. Mr. Mori is still trying to deal with the Prosecutor's Office Law by lumping it in with the Civil Service Law, which seems insane. Also, since he was in the opposition for so long, he may have become a minister too early in his career. I'm not sure how Minister Mori will respond to Chief Prosecutor Kurokawa's betting mah-jongg.
10 Finally, both Mori and Kurokawa may have been tainted by their service to Abe. Everywhere in the world, there are people who are "Kurokawa-esque", but they are said to be "Kurokawa-esque", from the undersecretary to the prosecutor general. One theory is that his character is not bad, but on the other hand, he has come to Sankei for a mah-jongg with a hire company, so his credibility cannot be immediately scrutinized.
The essential thing in the case was who was to keep an eye on the strongman. It is often the opposition party, but in Japan, where the opposition is weak, it relies heavily on the prosecutors. And the prosecution is autonomous and can exercise its command of the Minister of Justice in the event that the prosecution runs amok. The proposed amendment, however, was intended to destroy the independence of the prosecution and make it directly under Abe's control.
Justice has been served. However, the "Kurokawa-ish" may spread like a virus, and mini Kurokawa, Kurokawa II, Kurokawa III, and Kurokawa clones may be infested. However, the "disciplinary society" that operates by anticipating the ideas of those in power can only be the rule of law and the rule of man as opposed to the rule of law.
We should clearly communicate that to those who are "Kurokawa-ish" and take care that their civil society and professional organizations are not contaminated by the Kurokawa virus, mini Kurokawa, etc.
Translated with www.DeepL.com/Translator (free version)
